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Rephrase the question: I was involved in a traumatic incident on base in 1974 and have had nightmares ever since, but I did not go to mental health while enlisted. How can I get help?
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Most Common VA Disabilities Claimed for Compensation:
You’ve just been rated 100% disabled by the Veterans Affairs. After the excitement of finally having the rating you deserve wears off, you start asking questions. One of the first questions that you might ask is this: It’s a legitimate question – rare is the Veteran that finds themselves sitting on the couch eating bon-bons …Continue reading
Question
allan
FWD FROM: COLONEL DAN
Who supports the troops? It should be DOD & VA? BUT IT IS NOT!!
Story here... http://www.usnews.com/usnews/health/articles/070408/16va.htm
---------------
Insult to Injury
New data reveal an alarming trend: Vets' disabilities are being downgraded
By Linda Robinson
In the middle of a battle in Fallujah in April 2004, an M80 grenade landed a
foot away from Fred Ball. The blast threw the 26-year-old Marine sergeant 10
feet into the air and sent a piece of hot shrapnel into his right temple.
Once his wound was patched up, Ball insisted on rejoining his men. For the
next three months, he continued to go on raids, then returned to Camp
Pendleton, Calif.
But Ball was not all right. Military doctors concluded that Ball was
suffering from a traumatic brain injury, post-traumatic stress disorder
(PTSD), chronic headaches, and balance problems. Ball, who had a 3.5
grade-point average in high school, was found to have a sixth-grade-level
learning capability. In January of last year, the Marine Corps found him
unfit for duty but not disabled enough to receive full permanent disability
retirement benefits and discharged him.
Ball's situation has taken a dire turn for the worse. The tremors that he
experienced after the blast are back, he can hardly walk, and he has trouble
using a pencil or a fork. Ball's case is being handled by the Department of
Veterans Affairs-he receives $337 a month-but while his case is under
appeal, he receives no medical care. He works 16-hour shifts at a
packing-crate plant near his home in East Wenatchee, Wash., but he has gone
into debt to cover his $1,600 monthly mortgage and support his wife and
2-month-old son. "Life is coming down around me," Ball says. Trained to be
strong and self-sufficient, Ball now speaks in tones of audible pain.
Fred Ball's story is just one of a shocking number of cases where the U.S.
military appears to have dispensed low disability ratings to wounded service
members with serious injuries and thus avoided paying them full military
disabled retirement benefits. While most recent attention has been paid to
substandard conditions and outpatient care at Walter Reed Army Medical
Center, the first stop for many wounded soldiers stateside, veterans'
advocates say that a more grievous problem is an arbitrary and dysfunctional
disability ratings process that is short-changing the nation's newest crop
of veterans. The trouble has existed for years, but now that the country is
at war, tens of thousands of Americans are being caught up in it.
Now an extensive investigation by U.S. News and a new Army inspector
general's report reveal that the system is beset by ambiguity and riddled
with discrepancies. Indeed, Department of Defense data examined by U.S. News
and military experts show that the vast majority-nearly 93 percent-of
disabled troops are receiving low ratings, and more have been graded
similarly in recent years. What's more, ground troops, who suffer the most
combat injuries from the ubiquitous roadside bombs, have received the lowest
ratings.
One counselor who has helped wounded soldiers navigate the process for over
a decade believes that as many as half of them may have received ratings
that are too low. Ron Smith, deputy general counsel for the Disabled
American Veterans, says: "If it is even 10 percent, it is unconscionable."
The DAV is chartered by Congress to represent service members as they go
through the evaluation process. Its national service officers are based at
each rating location, and there is a countrywide network of counselors.
Smith says he recently asked the staff to cull those cases that appeared to
have been incorrectly rated. Within six hours, he says, they had forwarded
him 30 cases. "So far," Smith says, "the review supports the conclusion that
a significant number of soldiers are being fairly dramatically underrated by
the U.S. Army."
Magic number. In an effort to learn how extensive the problem is, U.S. News
spent six weeks talking to wounded service members, their counselors, and
veterans advocacy groups and reviewing Pentagon data. At first glance, the
disability ratings process seems straightforward. Each branch of service has
its own Physical Evaluation Boards, which can comprise military officers,
medical professionals, and civilians. The PEBs determine whether the wounded
or ill service members are fit for duty. If they are, it's back to work.
Those found unfit are assigned a disability rating for the condition that
makes them unable to do their military job. The actual rating is key, and
here's why: Service members who have served less than 20 years-the great
majority of wounded soldiers-who receive a rating under 30 percent are sent
home with a severance check. Those who receive a rating of 30 percent or
higher qualify for a host of lifelong, enviable benefits from the DOD, which
include full military retirement pay (based on rank and tenure), life
insurance, health insurance, and access to military commissaries.
But the system is hideously complicated in practice. The military doctors
who prepare the case for the PEBs pick only one condition for the service
member's rating, even though many of the current injuries are much more
complex. The PEBs use the Department of Veterans Affairs ratings scale,
which grades disabilities in increments of 10-a leg amputation, for example,
puts a soldier at between 40 and 60 percent disabled. The PEBs claim they
have the leeway to rate a soldier 20 percent disabled for pain, say, rather
than 30 percent disabled for a back injury. If rated at 20 percent or below
and discharged, the soldier enters the VA system as a retiree where he is
evaluated again to establish his healthcare benefits. Ball, for example, was
found by the VA to be 50 percent disabled for PTSD.
Since 2000, 92.7 percent of the disability ratings handed out by PEBs have
been 20 percent or lower, according to Pentagon data analyzed by the
Veterans' Disability Benefits Commission, which Congress formed in 2004 to
look into veterans' complaints (Page 47). Moreover, fewer veterans have
received ratings of 30 percent or more since America went to war in
Afghanistan and Iraq, according to the Pentagon's annual actuarial reports.
As of 2006, for example, 87,000 disabled retirees were on the list of those
exceeding the 30 percent threshold; in 2000, there were 102,000 recipients.
Last year, only 1,077 of 19,902 service members made it over the 30 percent
threshold (chart, Page 49).
The total amount paid out for these benefit awards has remained roughly
constant in wartime and peacetime, leading disabled veterans like retired
Lt. Col. Mike Parker, who has become an unofficial spokesperson on this
issue, to allege that a budgetary ceiling has been imposed to contain war
costs. A DOD spokesperson, Maj. Stewart Upton, said that the Pentagon "is
committed to improving the Disability Evaluation System across the board and
to ... a full and fair due process with regard to disability evaluation and
compensation."
Other data reveal glaring discrepancies among the military services. Even
though most of those wounded in Iraq and Afghanistan have been ground
troops, the Army and Marine Corps have granted far fewer members full
disabled benefits than the Air Force. The Pentagon records show that 26.7
percent of disabled airmen have been rated 30 percent or more disabled,
while only 4.3 percent of soldiers and 2.7 percent of marines made the
grade. Services engaged in close combat, experts say, could be expected to
find more members unfit for duty and meriting full retirement benefits.
Instead, the Air Force decided that 2,497 airmen fall into that category
while the much larger Army, with its higher tally of wounded, has accorded
those benefits to only 1,763 soldiers since 2000.
How many of these veterans' cases have been decided incorrectly? Nobody
knows. These statistics show trends that are clearly at odds with what logic
would dictate, but there has been no effort to discover how many of those
low ratings were inaccurately conferred or to ascertain why the number
receiving full benefits has declined during wartime or why there is such a
discrepancy between the Air Force and the other services. But there is
abundant anecdotal evidence of a process cloaked in obscurity and riddled
with anomalies, and of ratings that are inconsistent and often arbitrarily
applied.
DAV lawyer Smith, for example, took on the case of a soldier whose radial
nerve of his dominant hand had been destroyed, the same affliction former
Sen. Bob Dole has. Like Dole, the soldier was unable to write with a pen or
to button his shirt. "There is one and only one rating for that condition,
which is 70 percent disability," says Smith. The PEB gave the soldier 30
percent, the lawyer said, "which I found to be fairly outrageous." Upon
appeal to the Army Physical Disability Agency, the entity that oversees that
service's disability evaluation process, the rating was raised to 60
percent. Smith recently took on another case, that of Sgt. Michael Pinero, a
soldier who developed a degenerative eye condition called keratoconus that
required him to wear contact lenses. Army regulations prohibit wearing
contacts in combat, which should have made him ineligible for deployment and
therefore unfit to perform his specific military duties. But the PEB ignored
the eye condition, which Smith believes merited a 30 percent rating or more,
and rated Pinero 10 percent disabled for shin splints. Smith has asked the
Army to clarify whether it considers the regulation on contact lenses
binding or, as one board member alleged, merely a guideline. Disputes over
such distinctions are common in the Alice in Wonderland world of disability
ratings.
Controversy frequently surrounds decisions on which conditions make a
soldier unfit for duty. Smith took issue with a recent statement made by the
Army Physical Disability Agency's legal adviser, quoted in Army Times
newspaper. The official said that short-term memory loss would not
necessarily render soldiers unfit for duty since they could compensate by
carrying a notepad. "Memory loss is a common sign of TBI," Smith said, using
the abbreviation for traumatic brain injury, which has afflicted many
soldiers hit by the roadside bombs commonly used in Iraq. "The rules of
engagement are a seven-step process.... If a suicide bomber is coming at
you, you cannot stop and consult your notepad," he added. "I find this
demonstrative of the attitude that pervades the Physical Disability Agency,"
which is in charge of reviewing evaluations for accuracy and consistency.
Trying to overturn a low rating can be a full-time job-and an exasperating
one. Take Staff Sgt. Chris Bain, who lost the use of his arms but not his
sense of humor. "They call me T-Rex because I have a big mouth and two hands
and I can't do nothing with them," he jokes. He left the Army in February,
but he still has plenty of fight in him. During an ambush in Taji, Iraq, in
2004, a mortar round exploded 2 feet away from him, ripping through his left
arm and hand. A sniper's bullet passed through his right elbow. His buddies
saved his life, throwing Bain on the hood of a humvee and rushing him to a
combat hospital. Once transferred to Walter Reed, Bain refused to have his
arm amputated and underwent eight surgeries to save it. That choice cost
him. While an amputation would have automatically put him over the 30
percent threshold, the injury to his left arm was rated at 20 percent even
though he cannot use the limb.
Bain was angry. A noncommissioned officer who had planned on 20 or 30 years
in the Army, he knew his career was over, but he wasn't going to go quietly.
"I wanted to be an example to all soldiers," he said. "My job was to take
care of troops." He went to find Danny Soto, the DAV representative at
Walter Reed he'd heard so much about. "Danny is just an awesome guy. He took
great care of me, but he should not have had to," Bain says. Soto is a
patron saint to many soldiers at Walter Reed. He walks the halls, finding
the newly injured and urging them to collect documents for their journey
through the tortuous-and, to many, capricious-system. Many soldiers are
young, and after they have spent months or years recuperating, they just
want to get home and are unwilling to argue for the rating they deserve.
Even though he missed his wife and three children, Bain decided: "I've
already been here two years, another one ain't going to hurt me. Too many
people are getting lowballed."
With Soto's help, Bain gathered detailed medical evidence of his injuries
and went to face the board. They gave him a 70 percent rating for injuries
related to the blast except for his hearing loss, which was not considered
unfitting since he had a hearing aid. Oddly enough, however, the board put
him on the temporary disabled retirement list instead of the permanent list.
"What do they think, that after three years, my arm is going to come back to
life?"
A lifetime of adjusting lies ahead for Bain. "I can't tie my shoes, open
bottles of water, or cut my own food," he says. "I have to ask for help."
The 35-year-old veteran has found a new sense of purpose. He's decided to
run for Congress in 2008, and fixing the veterans' system is his top
priority. "I do not want this s--- to happen again to anyone. No one can
communicate with each other. The paper trail doesn't catch up." It's a tall
order, but the soldier says that he has "100,000 fights" left in him.
A systemic fix doesn't appear to be anywhere in sight. A March 2006 report
by the Government Accountability Office found that Pentagon officials were
not even trying to get a handle on the problem. "While DOD has issued
policies and guidance to promote consistent and timely disability
decisions," the report concluded, "[it] is not monitoring compliance." But
the GAO report did spur Army Secretary Francis Harvey, who was forced to
resign last month in the wake of the Walter Reed scandal, to order the
Army's inspector general to conduct an investigation of the disability
evaluation system. After almost a year of work, the inspector general's
office last month issued a 311-page report that begins to pierce the
confusion and opacity surrounding the process. While it does not determine
how many erroneous ratings were accorded to the nearly 40,000 soldiers rated
20 percent disabled or less since 2000, it does make three critical points:
1) the ambiguity in applying the ratings schedule should end; 2) wide
variance in ratings is indisputable, even among the three Army boards, and
3) the Army's oversight body is not doing its job.
Way overdue. Army officials met with U.S. News to discuss the inspector
general's report. "This is something that has been near and dear to our
hearts for a long time, and it's probably way overdue as far as having
someone go and take a look at it," says a senior Army official. The
inspector general's team found that Army policy was not consistent with the
policies of either the Pentagon or the Department of Veterans Affairs. It
recommended that the Army "align [its] adjudication of disability ratings to
more closely reflect those used by the Department of Veterans Affairs." For
years, the Army has asserted that it has the right to depart from VA
standards on grounds that it is assessing fitness for duty and compensating
for loss of military career, not decreased civilian employability.
Veterans' advocates argue that federal law requires the military to use the
Veterans Affairs Schedule for Rating Disabilities as the standard for
assigning the ratings. But over the years, Pentagon directives on applying
the schedule have opened up a whole new gray area by saying the schedule is
to be used only as a guide. And the services have interpreted them in
different ways, engendering further discrepancies. Soto, the DAV national
service officer at Walter Reed, says that inconsistencies are especially
prevalent in complex cases of traumatic brain injury and post-traumatic
stress disorder. "There is a saying going around the compound here," Soto
says, "that if you are not an amputee, you are going to have to fight for
your rating."
The inspector general's report calls for ending the ambiguities. "What we're
saying is it shouldn't be left to interpretation; it should be clearly
defined," says one Army official. "If there were a way to cut down on that
ambiguity, I think that variance would decrease."
Finally, the report bluntly concludes that the system's internal oversight
mechanism is not functioning. "The Army Physical Disability Agency's quality
assurance program does not conform to DOD and Army policy," it says-the same
conclusion the GAO came to a year ago. The inspector general's report adds
evidence of just how little the watchdog is doing to ensure that cases are
correctly decided. The agency is supposed to send cases to either of two
review boards when soldiers rebut their rating evaluations, but from 2002
through 2005, the agency sent only 45 out of 51,000 cases to one of the
boards. The other review board has not been used at all.
The inspector general's team made 41 recommendations in all, finding among
other things that the Army lacks a formal course for training the liaison
officers who are supposed to guide soldiers through the PEB process, that
the disposition of cases lags badly, that the computerized information
systems are antiquated, and that the two key medical and personnel databases
are not integrated and cannot communicate with each other. The report has
been forwarded to the action team that Army Vice Chief of Staff Richard Cody
convened-one of many official groups formed since the revelations of
substandard conditions and bureaucratic delays at Walter Reed.
Veterans' advocates are skeptical that the administration or the military
bureaucracy will make major changes anytime soon. In testimony to Congress
last month, Veterans for America director of veterans' affairs Steve
Robinson recommended taking the entire ratings process away from the
Pentagon and giving it to the Department of Veterans Affairs. "It's hard to
ignore the fact that in time of war they are giving out less disability," he
says. "Is it policy? I don't know. But it is a fact."
Congress has not responded to this problem. Says Rep. Vic Snyder, the
Arkansas Democrat who chairs the House Armed Services subcommittee on
military personnel: "This whole issue of disability ratings is very complex.
It is not well understood by many people, including many in Congress. That
is why we set up the [ Veterans' Disability Benefits] Commission in 2004. We
are hoping it will help us sort this out."
A lot is riding on the commission. Its chairman is Lt. Gen. Terry Scott, who
retired in 1997 and ran Harvard's Kennedy School of Government's National
Security Program until 2001. After the Pentagon data on the disability
process were presented to the commission last week, Scott said "we still
don't understand the whys and wherefores" of the skewed ratings. The core
problem, he believes, is that "the military was not designed to look after
severely wounded people for a long time." The commission has not yet decided
what changes it will recommend, but he said there is a general sense that
"one physical exam at the end of service should be enough for both agencies,
DOD and VA."
Cash and staff. Any solutions that call for transferring more responsibility
to the Department of Veterans Affairs will have to be matched by enormous
infusions of cash and staff. Already, the VA is reeling under a backlog of
over 600,000 claims from retired veterans, which the agency predicts will
grow by an additional 1.6 million in the next two years. Harvard Prof. Linda
Bilmes, an economist who has published two studies on the costs of the Iraq
war and the associated veterans' costs, projects that as much as $150
billion more will be required to deal with the wounded returning from Iraq
and Afghanistan.
Meanwhile, people like Danny Soto want to know who is going to stop the
military boards from giving out ratings like the 10 percent given to one
soldier for a skull fracture and traumatic brain injury, when the VA later
assigned a 100 percent rating. Soto is also frustrated by a recent case in
which a soldier whose legs had been severely injured in a blast in Iraq was
given only a 20 percent disability rating for pain and by the treatment of a
man who has a bullet hole through his eye and suffers from seizures. As Soto
sat with that soldier in front of the board, he asked why he had been placed
on the temporary list. "At what point do you think he is going to fall below
30 percent?"
Soto is unsparing in his criticism of the bureaucracy. "This system," he
says, " is so broke." Old soldiers say the root of the problem is an Army
culture that preaches a "suck it up" attitude. "If you ask for what you are
due, you are perceived to be whining or trying to pad your pocket," says a
retired command sergeant major. "If you're not bleeding, you're not hurt.
That's what we were taught."
With Edward T. Pound
-----Original Message-----
From: Bill [mailto:w.steimel@comcast.net]
Sent: Monday, April 09, 2007 7:58 AM
To: colonel-dan@sbcglobal.net
Subject: VA Watchdog dot Org - VA NEWS FLASH - 04-09-2007 #8 -- INSULT TO
INJURY: CHEATING OUR VETS - HOW THE PENTAGON IS SHORTCHANGING WOUNDED
SOLDIERS -- The U.S. military appears to have dispensed low disability
ratings to wounded service members with serious i
http://www.vawatchdog.org/07/nf07/nfAPR07/nf040907-8.htm
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